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  • Can Eritrea Be a Force for Stability After Its Dictator’s Fall?
  • ዘይናትካ ናተይ ምባል ‘ምበር፡ ምኽንያታዊ ሕቶ ምቕራብሲ ኣየባእስን።
  • Brigade N’Hamedu: Formal Launch of The Eritrean Blue Revolution Front (EBRF)
  • Eritrea: Adopt a strong resolution extending the Special Rapporteur’s mandate
  • جبهة النحرير الارترية ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ
  • መርድእ: ብምኽንያት ዕረፍቲ ኣያና ጸሃየ ተኽለሃይማኖት: መግለጺ (መሪር ሐዘን)
  • Relying on Eritrea’s Military for Democratic Transition Is a Risk We Can’t Afford – A reply to “Looking Beyond Isaias”
  • Looking beyond Isaias: Complexities of the make-up of the Eritrean population, past and present – a help or hindrance?
  • Why federalism or democratic decentralization in Eritrea?
  • ሐርበኛ ገብሪሂወት መሐሪ ብሰላም ዕረፍ: ሰብ ኣይነብርንዩ ታሪኽ ገዲፉዩ ዝሕልፍ፣
  • Eritrea is not a safe Country
  • Public Condemnation Letter Regarding the Unjust Treatment of Eritrean Refugees by German Authorities
  • Public Condemnation Letter Regarding the Unjust Treatment of Eritrean Refugees by German Authorities
  • Ethiopian, Eritrean officials accused of war crimes
  • ኣብ ኲናት ትግራይ ተዓዲመ ኣትየ፡ ብዝፈጸምክዎ ተግባር ከኣ ተመስጊነ፡ ተመጒሰ
  • ልዕልና ግዝኣተ-ሕጊ ምድኻም፡ ስነ ሞጎት ሓይሊ ምንጋስን፡ እዋናዊ ዓለም-ለኻዊ ብደሆ እዩ፡
  • ኤርትራ ሎሚ ኣብ ድሮ 4ይ ኹናት ኣንጻር ኢትዮጵያ ፡
  • ግዳይ “ቤላ ቤሎ” ፕሮፖጋንዳ ዝኾኑ ሰባት
  • ናይ ሓሳብ ሓድነት ዘይብሉ ኣካላዊ ልፍንቲ የፍርስ‘ምበር ኣየዐውትን።
  • Jobe Sees High Likelihood of Eritrea-Ethiopia Conflict, Intervention of Other Powers

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News English

Can Eritrea Be a Force for Stability After Its Dictator’s Fall?

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Written by: Filimon Suim www.meforum.org
Published: 13 June 2025

The Ruling Class Governs the Country as an Ideological Cause Defined by Constant War Footing, Leader Deification, and Paranoia

People crowd the streets of Asmara, the capital of Eritrea.

People crowd the streets of Asmara, the capital of Eritrea.

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Isaias Afwerki, Eritrea’s dictator who has ruled the country since its 1993 independence, is almost 80 years old and rumors continue to abound about his increasingly frequent health crises.

Much of the economy relies on mandatory and indefinite conscription, basically state-sanctioned slavery.

Under his tenure, Eritrea squandered its potential. Much of the economy relies on mandatory and indefinite conscription, basically state-sanctioned slavery. China is Eritrea’s only meaningful trade partner. Isaias has played a crucial role in destabilizing the region. What began as a friendly relationship with Ethiopia ended in a war over the border region near Badme. Up to 100,000 people died in the 1998-2000 war that locals derided as “two bald men fighting over a comb,” due to Badme’s isolation and economic irrelevance. More recently, Isaias involved himself in the Ethiopian civil war, sending troops (and Somali conscripts ostensibly in Eritrea for training) into Ethiopia to help crush the country’s ethnic Tigray, a conflict that killed upwards of a quarter-million people. This latest intervention also earned Eritrea enhanced U.S. sanctions.

Read more: Can Eritrea Be a Force for Stability After Its Dictator’s Fall?

Brigade N’Hamedu: Formal Launch of The Eritrean Blue Revolution Front (EBRF)

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Written by: Martin Plaut
Published: 09 June 2025
Date: 09/06/2025Author: Martin Plaut 0 Comments
Official launch of The Eritrean Blue Revolution Front

The Eritrean Blue Revolution Front (EBRF) began in 2022 as Brigade N’Hamedu. Initially the movement focused on organising protests, events and campaigns. The objective was to raise awareness about the Eritrean regime’s illegal activities: its militarized propaganda festivals and its transnational repression.

EBRF, as it is currently organised, was founded in 2023, with meetings taking place in many countries across the diaspora. This included organising exploratory trips and engagements, aimed confronting the Eritrean regime. These were held on the ground, in Ethiopia and in neighbouring countries.

Read more: Brigade N’Hamedu: Formal Launch of The Eritrean Blue Revolution Front (EBRF)

Eritrea: Adopt a strong resolution extending the Special Rapporteur’s mandate

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Written by: ReliefWeb
Published: 06 June 2025

To Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council (Geneva, Switzerland)

Excellencies,

Ahead of the UN Human Rights Council’s 59th session (16 June-11 July 2025), we, the undersigned non-governmental organisations, are writing to urge your delegation to support the development and adoption of a strong resolution that extends the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea.

This year’s resolution should decisively move away from a “procedural” approach. In addition to extending the Rapporteur’s mandate, it should clearly spell out and condemn the ongoing grave human rights violations committed by Eritrean authorities in a context of widespread impunity.

Read more: Eritrea: Adopt a strong resolution extending the Special Rapporteur’s mandate

Relying on Eritrea’s Military for Democratic Transition Is a Risk We Can’t Afford – A reply to “Looking Beyond Isaias”

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Written by: Dr. Tomas Solomon
Published: 07 May 2025

By Dr. Tomas Solomon

In his recent article, “Looking Beyond Isaias: Complexities of the Make-up of the Eritrean Population, Past and Present – A Help or Hindrance?”, Martin Plaut offers a valuable and timely reflection on Eritrea’s political future. One of the propositions he puts forward is that the Eritrean military, composed of diverse communities and united by shared experience, could play a stabilizing role in the post-Isaias era. While this may seem plausible on the surface, I believe it is both unrealistic and deeply risky to rely on the military as a force for national unity and democratic transition.

 

Isaias Afwerki
 

To place our hopes in the same military apparatus that has long upheld tyranny is not only unrealistic, it risks repeating the very cycles of repression we seek to escape.

Read more: Relying on Eritrea’s Military for Democratic Transition Is a Risk We Can’t Afford – A reply to...

Looking beyond Isaias: Complexities of the make-up of the Eritrean population, past and present – a help or hindrance?

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Written by: Martin Plaut
Published: 04 May 2025

I would stress at the outset: this is an initial attempt to consider these questions. I wish to interrogate issues that have only limited public discussion and my analysis is tentative. I would welcome any informed criticism.

Date: 04/05/2025Author: Martin Plaut 0 Comments

By Martin Plaut

There is one central question that is genuinely puzzling about Eritrea: why its people, who fought with such courage and sacrifice for thirty years to achieve independence and freedom, only to allow the fruits of their suffering to be denied them for more than three decades. What Eritreans have endured since they captured Asmara from Ethiopian forces in 1991 is well documented. At times they have protested; at times they have revolted, (as in 2013 when mutinous troops reached Forto on the edge of the capital, only to be outwitted and then brutally repressed).[1]

Read more: Looking beyond Isaias: Complexities of the make-up of the Eritrean population, past and present –...

Why federalism or democratic decentralization in Eritrea?

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Written by: Fesseha Nair
Published: 01 May 2025

  Introduction

The aim of this paper is to clarify the essence of federalism to resolve conflicts of power- sharing in political, economic, social and cultural livelihood of the Eritrean diversity. The Eritrean National Alliance has put two on its charter, “ the principles of federalism or democratic decentralization and the fundamental rights “ of the various communities of Eritrea. But, how are these principles are still to be studied. The Eritrean scholars and intellectuals should focus their studies on the realities of Eritrea. In Eritrea, there is an oppressed and oppressor- this has evidenced after Eritrea’s independence.

Who is the oppressor, its structure and its functions, and its supporters will be exposed to the Eritrean people?

One cannot bury the facts and build a false history in Eritrea.( See The Agaziaan Movement) The state building in Eritrea must be based on the diversity of the Eritrean people wishes and aspirations not by imposing assimilative policies of a one- man dictatorship.

The analysis of issues of conflict in Eritrea has been discussed many times. The long traditions of political, economic and social differences inside the Eritrean socio-economic and socio-politic structures had been neglected and passed by saying , “ We Eritreans are one people and one heart,  “ or say don’t speak about our difference, because we can be divided. In the first place, the socio- economic and socio-political structure and its divisive forces – ethnic ( race , language and culture ) religion and political ideology must be addressed properly without fear. Generally speaking , Eritreans have been escaping from the realities, that Eritreans are different in their socio –economic and political structures. Eritrea can be divided into three categories based on its socio- economic and political structures. 1. The west and east lowlanders. 2. The kebesa people- comprising tigrinya speaking christians and jeberti moslems and the Saho People on the eastern escarpment of the province of Akele- guzai. 3. The Afars of the  Red Sea.

Read more: Why federalism or democratic decentralization in Eritrea?

  1. Public Condemnation Letter Regarding the Unjust Treatment of Eritrean Refugees by German Authorities
  2. Ethiopian, Eritrean officials accused of war crimes
  3. Jobe Sees High Likelihood of Eritrea-Ethiopia Conflict, Intervention of Other Powers
  4. Ethiopian Gov’t Disowns the View That Eritrea Is Using TPLF Faction
  5. Eritrean Forces Operating with Impunity in Tigray, Abuses Ongoing- UN Confirms
  6. Looming Ethiopia-Eritrea Tension: Is new cycle of armed conflict imminent?
  7. Bill to deport Eritrean migrants who back regime passes preliminary Knesset reading
  8. National  Dialogue for building democracy in Eritrea

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